Order Of Vitéz
UNITED KINGDOM
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- Is the Hungarian title "vitéz" the same as the English "Sir", or just similar?
Comparing the Titles “Vitéz” and “Sir” in Historical and Social Context We have often heard this question – particularly in the United Kingdom – primarily from our English friends and acquaintances, but it may also have arisen in discussions among ourselves. If we were to give a brief answer, it would be: yes and no – but let us explore the subject in more depth. Clarifying the Question A comparison of the titles “Vitéz” and “Sir” in historical and social context.There are certain cultural and functional parallels between the Hungarian title “vitéz” and the English honorific “Sir”. However, their origins, legal status, and social roles are rooted in different historical traditions. The Title “Vitéz” in Hungary The title “vitéz” gained official status in the 20th century, in the aftermath of the First World War, when Regent Miklós Horthy established the Vitézi Rend (Order of Vitéz) in 1920. The purpose of the order was to recognise military service and acts of heroism in defence of the homeland. The induction ceremony for new members resembled that of medieval chivalric orders: the Captain-General (or his appointed deputy) would touch the kneeling recipient’s shoulder with a ceremonial sword – a symbolic gesture also seen in British knighthood ceremonies. Members of the Order were granted the right to use the “vitéz” prefix before their surname, which conferred significant moral recognition and social prestige – though it did not constitute an official noble title. Captain-General vitéz Count János Molnár-Gazsó conferring the title of vitéz (2016) Previously, members of the Order were – in certain cases – awarded land grants ( “vitézi telek” ), further reinforcing their social status. The title was awarded based on individual merit and, although a son could petition to inherit it, it was not automatically passed down through generations. The Title “Sir” in the United Kingdom In the Anglo-Saxon tradition, the title “Sir” is an official form of knighthood, conferred by the monarch – currently the King – in recognition of personal merit. The title places the recipient within the broader framework of social hierarchy and is associated with noble rank, although it does not automatically grant hereditary peerage. “King Charles honours Brian May in first knighting ceremony” (15 March 2023) It is typically awarded for exceptional contributions in military service, science, the arts, or public life. The “Sir” prefix is placed before the recipient’s first name (e.g., Sir Brian May ). The female equivalent is “Dame” , which confers similar recognition and status. Comparison Table Aspect Vitéz (Hungary) Sir (United Kingdom) Historical origin 1920, Order of Vitéz Medieval chivalric system Nature of the title Honorific, based on military merit Royal knighthood Legal status Moral recognition, not a noble title Legally recognised noble rank Inheritance Limited, by petition Not hereditary Female equivalent None officially Dame Form of address “vitéz” + surname “Sir” + first name Modern use Part of civilian and military tradition-keeping Official state honour Conclusion The titles “vitéz” and “Sir” both serve as formal recognition by the nation or state, honouring the recipient’s service and merit. While “Sir” remains an official part of the British system of nobility, the “vitéz” title upholds the Hungarian tradition of military honour – symbolically noble, but not conferring actual nobility. Thus, while functional parallels can be drawn between the two, they differ significantly in legal status and historical foundation.
- The Relationship Between the Order of Vitéz and the I.C.O.C.
What is the I.C.O.C., and does it bear any relevance to the Order of Vitéz? To the average reader who does not regularly follow the activities of the Order of Vitéz or is not fully familiar with its historical development, it is likely that they have no awareness of what the I.C.O.C. might be. The Founding of the I.C.O.C. The International Commission for Orders of Chivalry (I.C.O.C.) was established on 21 August 1960, at the Fifth International Genealogical and Heraldic Congress in Stockholm. In 1962, it was formalised as a permanent body in Edinburgh. Its founder and president was Robert Gayre, who remained in that role until his death in 1996. The organisation’s registered seat is currently in Milan, with its secretariat located in San Marino. International Commision For Orders Of Chivalry What was the I.C.O.C.’s original purpose? The I.C.O.C. is a privately founded organisation and is not officially accredited by any state. Its membership is composed predominantly of individuals, many of whom are recognised scholars in the fields of heraldry, genealogy, and phaleristics. Since 1999, the presidency has been held by Pier Felice degli Uberti. The organisation’s initial objective was to develop a reliable set of criteria to determine what constitutes a genuine chivalric order and to compile a dependable register of such orders; the first Register was published in 1964. Scandals, Forgeries and Questions of Credibility Despite its noble purpose of verifying the authenticity of chivalric orders, during the critical period from the 1960s to the 1990s, under the leadership of Robert Gayre and later Terence MacCarthy, the I.C.O.C. recognised several controversial or spurious orders whose legitimacy was later strongly disputed. The Commission’s impartiality was also called into question, as certain members and their associates received recognition, eventually leading to a decline in its credibility . (source: infogalactic.com ) Between 1964 and 1999, during the tenures of Robert Gayre and Terence MacCarthy, partisan decisions and endorsements concerning the Order of Saint Lazarus and other contentious entities provoked acute conflicts among members. MacCarthy attempted to bolster the legitimacy of these orders. As a result, several of their members and publications were subsequently withdrawn. The source notes that: “…used the ICOC's influence to promote the claimed legitimacy of the Niadh Nask, and MacCarthy's fraudulent nobiliary claims.” (source: historyireland.com ) In 1999, MacCarthy admitted that his familial background was false and resigned. “…In July 1999, the falsity of Terence Francis MacCarthy's claims was discovered…and he resigned from the ICOC.” (source: en.wikipedia.org ) “…The Sunday Times…found that his father was an ordinary working man…recognition withdrawn…he resigned the title.” (source: Sunday Times) After 1999, Uberti reorganised the body, removing the disputed orders, such as the Order of Saint Lazarus. (source: en.wikipedia.org ) The legal continuity of the Order of Vitéz Now that we can more clearly see the questionable credibility of the I.C.O.C., let us turn to how the I.C.O.C. is connected to the Order of Vitéz. In other words, can this connection be considered legal at all? Order of Vitez (forrás :www.vitezirend.com) Historical retrospective According to available sources, the Order of Vitéz was admitted to and registered with the I.C.O.C. in 1962. I would like to remind readers that in 1962 the Order of Vitéz could only operate in emigration, but despite this, at that time it was still unified and there were no internal splits among its members. The Order’s admission to the I.C.O.C. was initiated and handled by its then Captain-General, vitéz Archduke Joseph of Habsburg–Lorraine, through his acquaintances within the body. Archduke Joseph styled himself as Grand Master before the I.C.O.C., although in reality he held the rank of Captain-General. Archduke Joseph did not long enjoy his post, as he died in 1962. He was succeeded as Captain-General by Ferenc Farkas, who, in view of his age, resigned in 1977 (he died in 1980). Following his resignation, the Vitéz Council appointed Archduke Joseph’s grandson, vitéz Archduke József Árpád, as Captain-General. József Árpád, by virtue of that election, became the last Captain-General of the émigré branch of the Order of Vitéz. Source: Register of Orders of Chivalry JULY 1998 (Page 7) As can be seen in the image above, the name of the then legitimate Grand Master (József Árpád von Habsburg) was listed in the ICOC Register of July 1998. The Order of Vitéz appeared under the name “The Knightly Order of Vitez.” The next image below shows the ICOC Register issued in 2024. It is evident that the previously registered name of the Order of Vitéz has now been changed. Here, the originally registered name is no longer used. They are entirely and intentionally 'usurping' the legally protected name and coat of arms of the Hungarian continuity of the Order of Vitéz. Source: Register of Orders of Chivalry 2024 (Page 25) Moreover, the name of the Grand Master (The Captain General) listed here is falsely presented, as we know that after 1997, Vitéz István Tabódy, followed by Dr. Vitéz Miklós Bercsényi Kissároslak, was elected as the Grand Master of the Order of Vitéz in 2003. József-Károly von Habsburg was never the Grand Master of the legally continuous Order of Vitéz. A pivotal moment in the process of repatriating the Order of Vitéz occurred on 19 August 1991, when President Árpád Göncz received a delegation from the Order of Vitéz and held several hours of discussions with them. In that meeting, the conditions for the Order’s return to Hungary were established. Within six months following that meeting, the Metropolitan Court of Budapest, in its ruling no. 6.Pk.68.060/01 dated 3 February 1992, registration no. 4227, entered the Order of Vitéz into the register. After the return, in 1993 József Árpád adopted the title of Grand Master and appointed vitéz Antal Radnóczy as Captain-General. Over time, tensions accumulated after repatriation which had already been perceptible during the years in emigration. In 1997, owing to Radnóczy’s unseemly machinations involving his confidants, the united Vitéz Council dismissed Radnóczy and elected István Tabódy in his place as Captain-General. At that time, József Árpád sided with Radnóczy and voluntarily left the Order of Vitéz. 2003 was a pivotal year: In 2003, Dr vitéz Miklós Bercsényi of Kissároslak succeeded Dr vitéz András Várhelyi as Captain-General. That year Antal Radnóczy died, and József Árpád reconsidered his position and withdrew the resignation he had submitted a few months earlier, as he intended to return to power. László Hunyadi then proclaimed himself a self-appointed Captain-General. The internal disagreements reached such a scale that, as a result, the Order of Vitéz split into three parts: The legitimate, legally continuous Order of Vitéz under Dr vitéz Miklós Bercsényi of Kissároslak. The “Habsburg” faction under vitéz Archduke József Árpád, later known as the I.C.O.C.-style Order of Vitéz. Vitéz János Hunyadi founded the ‘Association of the Historic Order of Vitéz’. Schisms and reunions within the Order of Vitez Were these events communicated to the leadership of the I.C.O.C.? That is a legitimate question. From what has been described above, it is clear that as a consequence of the schism, a legally continuous Order of Vitéz (whose Captain-General in 2025 is vitéz Count János Molnár–Gazsó) and two club-like entities emerged. Our focus here is on the association led by the grandson of vitéz Archduke József Árpád, József Károly. We may refer to this association today as the “I.C.O.C.-style” Order of Vitéz. Why Sweden? We know from numerous writings that this association was registered in Sweden. Presumably, no one there cared that a genuine, original Order of Vitéz already existed in Hungary under that name, so they registered it under the name of a private individual. (I would merely add in passing that Regent Miklós Horthy explicitly forbade the reorganisation of the Order of Vitéz abroad shortly before his death. In my humble opinion, registering it abroad constitutes a breach of that prohibition.) Coincidence? Let us recall where the I.C.O.C. itself was founded in 1960? Yes, indeed, also in Sweden. Nevertheless, let us not be overly suspicious. Now that we have clarified the circumstances, we have learnt what the I.C.O.C. is, and how the history and legal continuity of the Order of Vitéz has unfolded. (For more: HERE) Let us move on to why the idea for this article arose. To whom, in fact, does I.C.O.C. membership belong? We know that the Order of Vitéz was registered with the I.C.O.C. in 1962. At that time the Order was secretly operating in emigration and could be considered united, meaning there was no internal division. I believe that, in the absence of differing agreements or written accords, that registration belongs to the legitimate and legally continuous Order of Vitéz, irrespective of who and by what connections handled the Order’s admission 63 years ago. I understand that 63 years is a long time and that leadership has since changed everywhere, but that is precisely the point of the purpose of the I.C.O.C.: it was created to maintain a rigorously verified database, where every piece of data is accurate and truly verified. Or is it not? Does it even matter? One might say it is not worth mentioning, since the I.C.O.C. is not an accredited body, and more importantly, in Hungary anyone who has even a slight interest in the subject knows the real history of the Order of Vitéz and cares little for what is thought abroad, since most foreign people have no notion of Hungarian history. The reason I still say it is worth raising a voice in this matter is the defence of truth and historical fidelity. Beware! They are forging. The ‘Habsburg’ association not only monopolises the name and coat of arms of the Order of Vitéz, but in 2019 they created a counterfeit website. Unfortunately for them, the domain name “vitezirend.com” has been taken since 1992, as this is the official website of the genuine Order of Vitéz, so they produced a forgery beside it, a hyphenated copy named “vitezi-rend.com”. After arrogantly claiming I.C.O.C. membership on the grounds that their acquaintance once handled it, and then boasting that they are the only internationally recognised Order of Vitéz—recognised by whom? In Hungary certainly no one recognises them, as innumerable court rulings have stated the contrary. In my opinion, this is not a matter of acquaintances or friends, but rather of honour and integrity. Conclusion: The 1962 admission is officially the rightful inheritance of the continuously legitimate Order of Vitéz, unless history repeats itself in light of the activities of the Robert Gayre and Terence MacCarthy duo between 1960 and 1990. Author: v. Robert Balazs, sergeant
- Horthy attempted to withdraw from the war – caught between two fires.
Horthy's Attempt to Break Out Led to His Son’s Abduction by the Gestapo After the failure of the Wehrmacht's Heeresgruppe Mitte in late June 1944, the I. Hungarian Army immediately lost all of its German reserve units in its supply zones, as they had been deployed in the north to counter the advance of the Red Army. On July 23, the weakened I. Army was attacked by a local Soviet offensive on the left wing of the 1st Ukrainian Front. The Hungarian column retreated through Eastern Transylvania (the so-called Szeklerland), near Sepsiszentgyörgy (Romanian: Sfântu-Gheorghe) – as shown by the traffic sign – in the autumn of 1944. On the left, a Steyr RSO (Raupenschlepper Ost) is visible, towing a 40mm Bofors anti-aircraft gun, and we can spot an opportunistic cyclist who took advantage of the chance for a free ride. The Hungarian defensive lines were breached at the foot of the Carpathians on the first day. Within less than a week, the Hungarian Army’s resistance collapsed, and the Hunyadi Line was broken at several points. The surviving units retreated chaotically, with soldiers abandoning their weapons and fleeing. Most of the tanks of the Second Armoured Division had to be abandoned due to a lack of fuel. In an effort to restore order, desertion and panic-mongering were marked by public hangings and sporadic executions under heavy fire. Following the defeat, General Beregfy was replaced by General Red Army Commander Vörös, and temporarily, General Ferenc Farkas took command. Farkas' decisive action restored the situation by the end of July, halting the Hungarian Army’s retreat. The troops were then sent to the so-called "millennium border," the wooded mountain range of Transcarpathia. There, reorganised, the Hungarian Army put up fierce resistance, surprising the newly appointed commander of the 4th Ukrainian Front, General Ivan J. Petrov. Soviet attacks in early August were repelled, preventing the Red Army from entering Hungary’s interior – at least, for the time being. Realising the hopelessness of the situation, Horthy senior seriously considered leaving the war and requesting an armistice to avoid disaster. To this end, he removed the pro-German Prime Minister Sztójay and intended to appoint General Géza Lakatos as Prime Minister, though he hesitated to accept. The process was blocked by Hitler’s envoy in Budapest, Veesenmayer, who prohibited the new government from being formed. Hitler threatened military intervention if these changes were to occur. As a result, although Horthy felt deeply insulted in his dignity, he, under the counsel of his advisors, hesitated to resign. However, he rejected the idea of Wehrmacht officers taking up positions in the General Staff of the I. Hungarian Army, appointing instead Brigadier General Kálmán Kéri and replacing General Beregfy with General Béla Miklós on August 1. Horthy forbade the deportation of Budapest’s Jewish population to the Third Reich and banned the Arrow Cross movement – all in defiance of Hitler’s clear opposition. In accordance with Horthy’s secret plan, these steps were maintained until the military leadership was stabilised. With the army stabilised, Horthy initiated secret negotiations with the Allies – even with the feared Soviets – to secure acceptable terms for an armistice. This was accelerated by the Romanian king’s coup in August, which led to the unexpected Romanian-Soviet armistice on August 23 (also with other Entente powers). Initially, Hitler focused on what he perceived as the backstabbing of his steadfast Romanian ally. Horthy realised that this marked a major shift. The Soviet forces could easily cross the southern Carpathians of Transylvania. Taking advantage of the German weaknesses, he forced Veesenmayer to accept the new government, resulting in Lakatos Géza becoming Prime Minister on August 29. As Foreign Minister, General Gusztáv Hennyey strongly supported the preparations for the armistice agreement. Proclamation of Regent Miklós Horthy to the Hungarian Nation – 15 October 1944 The Romanian-Soviet-Hungarian relations rapidly shifted after August 25. Romanian troops launched local attacks on border towns without a formal declaration of war, which only came on September 7. During a six-day military operation, they captured Arad by September 13 but were forced to retreat within a week due to being outnumbered. In the midst of the Transylvanian battles, on September 9, the Third Hungarian Army, including the IV. and VII. Corps and the 1st Armoured Division, launched an attack towards Arad. The Third Army was officially formed on September 19 under the command of Lieutenant General József Heszlényi. Although they took Arad on the 13th, they were forced to abandon it a week later due to a Soviet-Romanian counterattack. The commander of the Second Army, General Lajos Veress – although from Transylvania himself – ordered a retreat on October 10 to prevent the destruction of Kolozsvár. By September 24, Soviet forces had crossed the pre-war borders and, by early October, launched an attack across the Hungarian plains, targeting Budapest. Marshal Malinovsky’s original plan to capture the capital in October was delayed by three and a half months, meaning Budapest was only reached later. As the Soviet advance intensified, Horthy accelerated his efforts to withdraw. This was facilitated by István Náday’s flight to Italy on September 22 to initiate peace talks through British-Italian channels, but the British refused to attend. The Hungarian delegation, led by Gábor Faragho, then headed to Moscow, arriving on October 1. The Soviets accepted the talks but, instead of the Finnish model, proposed terms similar to the Romanian ones: an immediate backstab against the German forces, territorial revision. The Soviet Union signed the Kyiv armistice on October 11. However, Horthy did not order an immediate confrontation with the Germans. He attempted to negotiate politely and remained hopeful for a fair agreement. This approach, however, proved naïve. Meanwhile, the Germans had prepared Operation Panzerfaust to prevent the Hungarian reversal, in which both Beregfy and Szálasi could play a role. The operation began on Sunday morning, October 15, with the "Micky Maus" operation. Under the command of SS-Hauptsturmannführer Otto Skorzeny, the Gestapo kidnapped Horthy’s son at 8:30 a.m. An hour later, General Guderian issued an ultimatum declaring Hungary to be a battlefield, and only the German high command could issue orders. Nevertheless, Horthy continued with his plans: At 11:00 a.m., he announced on the radio that Hungary would leave the war and request an armistice from the Soviet Union – however, the Germans immediately launched Operation Panzerfaust. Though the radio transmitters were silenced, Horthy’s message was still broadcast. However, chaos broke out in the Hungarian Army: General Vörös ordered that the army not cease fire but wait for further instructions. Lakatos hesitated. Meanwhile, the Germans and the Arrow Cross quickly took control of the radio and other key points in Budapest. "Operation Trojan Horse" With the abduction of Horthy’s son and the Arrow Cross takeover, Horthy was gradually squeezed out of power, and on October 16, Szálasi was installed in power. On October 17 at 5 p.m., Horthy was interned by the Germans at the Hirschberg Castle, ending his active role, while his son was sent to the Dachau concentration camp. Horthy's failure ended with just twelve hours of grace. This unsuccessful breakout attempt forced Hungary into a full-scale war for eight months. Horthy did not want to fight in the war; he tried everything to keep Hungary out of it, but sadly failed. As a result, the Red Army treated the Hungarians as "fascist enemies," just like the Germans, and treated them accordingly. (source: warhistory.org )
- From Hungarian Symbol to Slovak Coat of Arms
Where do the double cross and the triple mount originate? When national identity began to emerge among a narrow circle of Slovak intellectuals in the first decades of the 19th century, the creation of national symbols also became necessary. The Slovak coat of arms was designed in 1848 by Ľudovít Štúr, the leading figure of the forming Slovak nation, along with his ideological companions, by making a heraldically correct modification of the Hungarian state coat of arms featuring the double cross and triple mount. They only changed the colour of the triple mount from green to blue, in accordance with Slavic colours. This symbol first appeared in 1861 as the coat of arms of the planned autonomous Slovak district, then in 1863 on the cover of the statutes of Matica slovenská (Slovak Mother, the Slovak cultural, scientific and fine arts society). Mistake or Intentional? The Hungarian coat of arms in the form still used today in Hungary first appeared on coins issued by King Władysław I of Hungary (1440–1444), depicting a silver cross on a triple mount. The concept of representing the country’s territory through the state coat of arms was later reflected in a novel interpretation of the triple mount: in 1687, a Portuguese author, Anton Macedo, interpreted the triple mount as symbolising Hungary’s three largest mountains (without naming them). In the 18th century, the emerging Hungarian heraldic literature identified them as the Tatras, the Fatra and the Mátra. This geographical view led the Slovaks to the mistaken conclusion that one half of the Hungarian coat of arms symbolised Slovakia. Since a few Slovak villages lie at the foot of the Mátra, and the Tatras and the Fatra lie in Slovak-speaking territory, the area delineated by these three mountain ranges was considered Slovak territory. King Stephen with shield and banner The Triple Mount The triple mount is also a symbol of Golgotha and redemption. It was first used by Emperor Theophilos (829–842), appearing until the 13th century, initially as unequal-sided triangles, later as steps. In Hungary, it first appeared during the reign of Béla III, along with the double cross. Béla III was raised in Byzantium; his mother was the daughter of Prince Mstislav of Kiev, and he likely remained Orthodox until his death. Thus, Byzantine influence reached Hungary much later than the countries of the Caucasus. The linear Sumerian symbol for country, Assyrian cuneiform, the Chinese character for mountain, and the Egyptian sign for foreign land. The tomb of King Béla III and his wife in Matthias Church The Double Cross The Slovaks linked the double cross to the legend of two brothers and missionaries, Cyril (827–869) and Methodius (813/815–885), who brought Christianity. This explanation overlooks that the double cross is a Byzantine symbol and had no religious significance—it represented the absolute power of Byzantine emperors. Therefore, the two missionaries could hardly have dared to use the token of imperial victory in their evangelisation, since their mission did not serve “worldly” goals. "The appearance of the double cross in the Hungarian coat of arms can also be explained by Byzantine influence, but perhaps also by the fact that in Transylvania—which was part of the Kingdom of Hungary at the time of the symbol’s development—the region was governed by the Gyulas. In Hungarian runic writing, the 'gy' sound was marked with a double cross, so the symbol in the coat of arms may have represented Transylvania." Székely Hungarian Runic Script After 1918, when the new state of Czechoslovakia was established, it united several regions—Bohemia, Moravia, Silesia, Slovakia and Carpathian Ruthenia—under one state framework. In a report at the time, the Constitutional Committee of the National Assembly noted: "Slovakia, which never possessed independent statehood, likewise never had its own emblem, and what is generally regarded as Slovakia’s coat of arms according to conventional heraldic teachings was in fact the symbol of old Hungary (Uhry), taken from the former Hungarian coat of arms and only recently altered so that the originally green triple mount was changed to blue." So how did a Hungarian symbol become a Slovak coat of arms? After the symbol was modified by law and declared the coat of arms of Slovakia, there was no obstacle to it being generally recognised as such. Thus, the emblem was included in the middle coat of arms of Czechoslovakia. When the first Slovak state (1939–1945) was formed, its state coat of arms was the above-described symbol, with the modification of using a Gothic shield. After the Second World War, it remained in use until 1960, when it was replaced by a different, “socialist” coat of arms, which remained in place until 1990. The coat of arms of the Czecho-Slovak Federal Republic (1990–92) once again included the previous symbol, which became the emblem of the independent Slovak Republic established on 1 January 1993. (Sources: 1. Nagy Magyarország: Gábor Szabó, 2. Péter Püspöki Nagy: The Peers of the Hungarian Coat of Arms: The Czech(Slovak) and Polish State Coats of Arms. In: Coats of Arms of Hungary. Ed.: Ede Ivánfi. Maecenas, Bp., 1989. p. 158., 3. Book of Kings. Officina Nova, Bp., 1993. p. 77., 4. Iván Bertényi: A Brief Hungarian Heraldry. Gondolat, Bp., 1983, pp. 78–80., 5. Emil Niederhauser: The Byzantine Roots of the Modern Slovak State Coat of Arms. In: Klió. No. 3, 2000., 6. Zoltán Balassa: The True History of the Slovaks. In: Hitel. Vol. 20, No. 3, 2007, p. 98., 7. György Székely: The Journey of the Double Cross from Byzantium to Latin Europe. In: Coats of Arms of Hungary. Ed.: Ede Ivánfi. Maecenas, Bp., 1989. In: Ivánfi 1XVI., 8–9. Balassa: ibid., p. 99.)
- Hungarian Lakeside Miracle – The First Family Weekend in Wales
More Than Just an Event – A True Homecoming That was the sentiment many shared during the June weekend, when several hundred Hungarian families gathered among the green hills of Spring Valley Lakes in Wales. A campsite transformed into a Hungarian village for a few days. A gathering that may become a tradition. Family weekend in Wales A place where the Hungarian word found a home: Spring Valley Lakes is already a popular destination for nature and watersports lovers, but this weekend it shone in an entirely new light: Hungarian flags the scent of traditional foods laughing children friendly conversations and a unique communal atmosphere – a rare treasure when living abroad. The campsite was nearly full, with tents and caravans lining the lakeside. Participants arrived from various parts of England, Scotland and Wales – many met for the first time, yet spoke as if they were old friends. Flavours and aromas – a taste of home Gastronomy naturally took centre stage: Lángos, kürtőskalács (chimney cake), gulyás, pörkölt (stew), stuffed cabbage – everyone found their personal favourite. Hungarian drinks were not missing either: special beers and pálinka made the experience complete. The food was not just about taste, but evoking memories: for many, it brought back childhood, festive lunches or the kitchens of grandparents. Programmes for young and old alike Programmes for young and old – The organisers thought of every age group Children’s activities: crafting, face painting, bouncy castle, lakeside games, storytelling. Culture and tradition: a demonstration by the vitéz György Boldus Hussar Detachment, historical exhibition, Hungarian bookstand thanks to the Hungarian English Cultural Society. Watersports: the more adventurous could try kayaking, paddleboarding or boating. Evening atmosphere: fire, music, community The Friday evening bonfire and bacon roasting had one purpose: being together. Guitar music, singing, long conversations and lots of laughter – precisely the kind of warmth one rarely experiences on an ordinary weekend. How the winning beef stew was made On Saturday evening, the atmosphere reached new heights. Several bands from the Hungarian diaspora performed, followed by a fantastic Hungarian retro disco to close the night, where generations danced together to classics by Edda, Neoton and LGT. The cooking contest – where the cauldron took centre stage: One of the highlights of Saturday was the cooking competition. The teams began their preparations early in the morning. Fires crackled under the cauldrons, and the air filled with the smoky scent of stew. The team of the Vitézi Rend (Order of Vitéz) won first prize – their spicy, rich beef stew was unanimously praised by the judges. The team of the Vitézi Rend won first prize The afternoon raffle brought much joy: over 100 prizes found new owners – including children’s toys, wine selections and Hungarian handcrafted gifts. A sentence that sums it all up On the closing day, vitéz Tamás Sáfrány said on behalf of the organisers: “It’s hard to put into words what we experienced here. This weekend was more than a gathering – it was identity, community, and love all at once. To see hundreds of Hungarian families celebrating, laughing and remembering together – it’s a deeply uplifting feeling. Now comes a little rest, but soon we’ll begin organising again: we continue in 2026!” vitéz Tamás Sáfrány A tradition is born: Those who were there know they didn’t just attend an event – they were present at the birth of a living tradition. From now on, Spring Valley Lakes in Wales is not just a beautiful campsite – it is a symbol. A place where the Hungarian community found each other again. See you in 2026 – the shore turns Hungarian again! Author: v. Attila Babenyecz, seat captain
- That ‘Cursed’ Horthy Regime – Hungary’s Golden Era
Assessment – An illuminating overview of Horthy’s 17 years in power Seventeen years… In the sweep of history, such a span may seem trifling—yet it has encompassed both national tragedies of colossal scale (from Mohács to Turkish rule) and periods of uplifting nation‑building, such as the seventeen or so years from the Reform Diet of 1832 to the War of Independence. Exactly that length of time—seventeen years—was granted to us, after successive calamities, to reconstruct an independent Hungary. It was no easy task: inflation, unemployment, economic downturns, minor wars, and assassination attempts beset us; the Great Powers and reluctant neighbours harried us… …but we succeeded: Our population increased by 1,639,479 during that short period. The number of elementary and secondary schools nearly doubled, from 7,418 to 13,780; kindergartens rose from 975 to 1,140. We built 160 new hospitals in addition to the original 187, and the number of doctors doubled. We constructed 2,628 km of primary roads; the total length of our railways rose to 8,671 km, 243 km of which we electrified—on the basis of Hungarian invention. We became world leaders in the production of diesel locomotives! Our Danube ocean‑going fleet connected our waterways to the global seas. We halved our national debt and even forgave all debts owed by farmers. We established a universal social welfare system, equipping the pension and health‑insurance schemes with secure funding. Growing numbers of diabetics received free medication. Budapest became a city of (therapeutic) baths. We built holiday resorts on the Danube Bend and Soroksár branch for workers, and for civil servants in the hills and at Lake Balaton. Budget‑friendly weekend trains began operating for leisure travel. We rewarded public‑service personnel (utility workers, state employees, civil servants) with discounts on rail travel, holidays, insurance and utility bills in recognition of their dedicated service. We introduced one of the world’s most stable currencies. Politically, we strove for independence. We restrained extremist parties, banned the swastika, and repealed the “numerus clausus”—fully overriding the United States by a decade and a half! Admiral Miklós Horthy governed the Hungary that had suffered war, Spanish flu, red terror, and the Treaty of Trianon—this account concerns the period 1920–1937, a relatively peaceful interwar era. My figures are precise. I sourced them from encyclopaedic works of the “happy Kádár era”, notably the Hungarian Historical Chronology (1982, Akadémiai Kiadó). They were unlikely to be coloured by glorifying “evil Horthy‑fascism”, but rather slipped among thousands of entries on workers’ movements—so we may safely accept them as reliable. I also used my own notes. Let me share one example. My grandmother, Mrs Irén Bleszkányi (née Sárközy Istvánné), a teacher at Csobánc Street elementary school, was entitled to a pension of 275 pengő. One pengő today equates to around HUF 1,200–1,300 (c. HUF 400,000).Her granddaughter—despite twice the working years, several degrees and a union craft—receives only a quarter to a fifth of that pension. I myself sat in a stigmatised class (our form‑teacher was József Antall), then was compelled to work and train in a trade in Angyalföld for several years.I learnt not only a trade from veteran experts, but also that a turner could be like “Dréher”: entering Láng or Ganz‑MÁVAG in a top hat and white‑spotted gloves—and the diesel‑trains manufactured under his watch still serve in South America. In his spare hours he sang in the factory chorus, rowed from the factory boathouse, played on the frequently mandated sports pitch—because his wife did not need to work. His children—horror of horrors!—learnt about their homeland in school. The era indeed had “losers”, of course. They were supported by ONCSA housing, relief programmes, talent‑rescue schemes… We did what we could. Bear in mind that of this tragic‑kick‑off seventeen years, three to four coincided with the depths of the Great Depression. And what of the dreaded Horthy‑fascism? First and foremost: there was no fascism or National Socialism under Horthy! (As an aside: post‑1945 Hungary suffered 60 years of national‑antagonistic socialism—not National Socialism!) No single political faction dominated the media; there were some 1,500 periodicals, about 400 with political content. No terror state held the population in fear. Naturally, by 21st‑century standards there was no democracy—but it was the early 20th century . To project modern norms onto that era is sheer ignorance—or malice! The limitation of truly anti‑democratic and extremist parties at the time saved the nation. Authoritarian? The Regent could only return a bill to Parliament once for reconsideration—remember how the “Göncz Grandpa” played with Antall government legislation? And that was proper authority, for he was a clean handed, honest, strong willed Hungarian leader! My friends, it was high time this was acknowledged. (When he resigned, the Horthy family estates were just as large as when he became Regent.) (Source: Miklós Dobay, Magyar Tudat, Miklós Horthy) photo: István Horthy, Miklós Horthy, and the little István Horthy vitéz nagybányai Horthy Miklós was born in Kenderes on 18 June 1868, into a mid noble family. The ancestor of the family, István Horthy, was granted a noble patent by King Ferdinand II in 1635. However, the family's name—of Székely origin and already residing in north-eastern Hungary at the time—was mentioned much earlier, as early as the late 16th century, in the records of the city of Debrecen. The ennoblement took place in Kolozs County on 21 June 1657. Miklós Horthy’s father, István Horthy (1830–1904), was a member of the Upper House of the Hungarian Parliament and the owner of a 1,500-hectare estate. He was a very strict man—even towards his own children. In 1857, he married Paula Halassy of Dévaványa (1839–1895). His paternal grandparents were István Horthy of Nagybánya (1795–1857), a county judge (tabellionis) of Szabolcs County and landowner, and Amália Puky of Bizák (1805–1839). His maternal grandparents were József Halassy of Dévaványa (1810–1860), also a landowner, and Erzsébet Gärber (1806–1882), an actress. István Horthy and Paula Halassy had nine children: István, Zoltán, Béla (who died at the age of sixteen), Paula, Erzsébet, Szabolcs, Jenő (who died at the age of two), and another Jenő (1877–1954). Among Horthy’s brothers, István (1858–1937) served as a cavalry general during the First World War and received numerous high decorations. Like Miklós Horthy, he was a recipient of the Order of Maria Theresa. During the counter-revolution, he served in Székesfehérvár and supported his younger brother’s efforts. From his retirement until his death, he was a representative of the county assembly of Jász-Nagykun-Szolnok. Miklós Horthy was baptised according to the Calvinist rite on 10 July 1868 in Kenderes. His two godfathers were Miklós Puky of Bizák (1806–1887), Chief Deputy Lord Lieutenant of Heves County, and Gáspár Halassy of Dévaványa, Deputy Lord Lieutenant; his two godmothers were Mrs Menyhért Okolicsányi (née Ilona Jármy of Szolnok) and Miss Izabella Losonczy.. photo: The Horthy family (Kenderes) On 22 July 1901, Miklós Horthy married Magdolna Purgly of Jószáshely (1881–1959) in Arad. She was the daughter of János Purgly of Jószáshely (1839–1911)—a Member of Parliament, a member of the County Assembly of Arad, Director of the Arad and Csanád United Railways and the Savings Bank, and a landowner—and Ilona Vásárhelyi of Kézdivásárhely (1841–1896). One of the witnesses at the wedding was Pál Halasy of Dévaványa (1846–1912), an imperial and royal chamberlain and general; the other was Iván Urbán of Monyoró (1846–1915), Lord Lieutenant of Arad County. The couple had four children: Magdolna Horthy (1902–1918), who died young of scarlet fever. Paulette Horthy (1903–1940), who was first married to vitéz László Fáy, a landowner, and later to Count Gyula Károlyi. István Horthy (1904–1942), chief engineer at the MÁV locomotive works, later President and CEO of MÁV (Hungarian State Railways) between 1940 and 1942, and briefly Deputy Regent. He died in a military aircraft accident on the Soviet front. His wife was Ilona Edelsheim-Gyulai (1918–2013). Miklós Horthy (1907–1993), who married Countess Mária Consuelo Károlyi (1905–1976). Miklós Horthy spent his early childhood up to the age of eight on the family estate in Kenderes. According to family recollections, he was an adventurous child. In his memoirs, he wrote: “My father showed little understanding for my pranks, although my vivid imagination and thirst for adventure often led me astray. So it happened that, despite my indulgent mother’s reluctance, I was torn from the warmth of the family circle at the age of eight. I was sent to Debrecen to lodge with my two older brothers.” He completed his elementary studies privately in Kenderes (1874–1876), and then attended the Reformed College of Debrecen (1876–1878). He pursued his secondary studies in Sopron at the Lähne Institute (1878–1882), where instruction was in German. His brother Béla Horthy was a cadet at the naval academy in Fiume. Two months before he was due to be commissioned, he died in a fatal accident during a military exercise. Against his family’s wishes, Miklós Horthy chose to follow in his late brother’s footsteps and enrolled at the Naval Academy in Fiume in the autumn of 1882. Out of 612 applicants, only 42 were admitted—including Miklós Horthy. The academy was notoriously strict; about one-third of the students either dropped out or were expelled. During his time there, he learned Italian and Croatian from the sailors, in addition to his knowledge of German, English, and French. On 7 October 1886, he was commissioned as a second-class naval cadet in the Austro-Hungarian Navy. Officer Career: He began his naval service on the Radetzky , a three-masted sailing frigate equipped with auxiliary steam power. By 1890, he was serving as a Linienschiffsleutnant (equivalent to a lieutenant) aboard the Taurus , a station ship anchored in Constantinople. Horthy was an accomplished sportsman and earned great respect among the local upper classes. He was an excellent sailor and a successful middle-distance runner. He won the army championship in fencing and also excelled as a cyclist and tennis player (in doubles, he defeated the reigning champions of the British Army). He was also a first-class horseman. His athletic achievements, elegant dancing, engaging manners, and fluency in several languages made him a popular figure in high society. However, in his official duties, he did not particularly stand out. His superiors did not consider him a talented officer. Among his fellow cadets, he was usually the last to receive appointments or promotions. From 1892 to 1894, he served as a junior officer on the Saida during its East Asian and Oceanic voyage, visiting India, Australia, and Melanesia. During the journey, he was deeply impressed by the power of the British Navy. As he later wrote in his memoirs: “During the reign of Queen Victoria (...) the proud saying ‘Britannia rules the waves’ prevailed without question, and we encountered many deeply impressive examples of it during our voyage.” In 1908 and 1909, he served as commander of the Taurus , now holding the rank of Linienschiffleutnant (senior lieutenant). Between 1909 and 1914, he served as aide-de-camp to Emperor Franz Joseph. He later wrote of the Emperor in his memoirs with marked respect and reverence. On 20 January 1914, he was promoted to the rank of Linienschiffskapitän , equivalent to colonel in the land forces. In the First World War: Following the outbreak of the First World War, until 1914, Horthy commanded the 8,300-ton battleship Habsburg , anchored at Pola. He was later appointed captain of one of the navy’s most modern warships, the newly constructed Novara class fast cruiser. After the Kingdom of Italy declared war on Austria-Hungary, he took part in the navy's offensive against Italian ports on 23 May 1915. As commander of the squadron led by the Novara , he directed the bombardment of Porto Corsini and participated in several similar minor operations. On 9 July 1916, the Novara , operating alone, sank two armed British trawlers and forced two more to flee, rescuing the nine surviving crew members. It is worth noting that even in the heat of battle, Horthy ordered the rescue of enemy sailors who had fallen into the sea. For this act of chivalry, even his adversaries spoke of him with respect. On 15 May 1917, under his command, the cruisers Novara , Helgoland , and SMS Saida , along with the destroyers Balaton and Csepel , successfully broke through the Otranto Barrage and sank twelve steamers. On the return journey, they engaged an Allied naval squadron led by Rear Admiral Alfredo Acton, which included the British cruisers HMS Dartmouth and HMS Bristol , the Italian cruiser Marsala , and five Italian destroyers. During the battle—which was the first in Adriatic naval warfare where artificial smoke screens were employed by the Novara group—Horthy himself suffered injuries to the head and legs. Five shell splinters lodged in his legs. Despite his wounds, after receiving initial medical treatment, he had himself carried on a stretcher to the bridge, where he continued to command the battle until he lost consciousness due to blood loss. photo: Captain Miklós Horthy wounded aboard SMS Novara after the Battle of the Otranto Straits, 15 May 1917. The heavily damaged Novara was taken in tow by the Saida , and the slow-moving group was only saved by the arrival of reinforcements: the battleship Budapest , along with the armoured cruisers SMS Kaiser Karl VI and SMS Sankt Georg . After his recovery, on 1 February 1918, Horthy was appointed commander of the battleship Prinz Eugen . Contrary to widespread rumours and later misconceptions, he did not take part in the suppression of the Cattaro mutiny (which occurred on the Sankt Georg , Kaiser Karl VI , and Gäa warships). On 27 February 1918, he was promoted to Rear Admiral and, surpassing several more senior ship captains and admirals, appointed Commander-in-Chief of the Imperial and Royal Navy. In June 1918, he once again led the entire fleet out to attack the Otranto Barrage, but turned back upon receiving news that the battleship Szent István , which was part of another unit, had been torpedoed. On 31 October 1918, acting on the orders of King Charles IV, he handed over the fleet’s ships to the National Council of Slovenes, Croats, and Serbs. During the Aster Revolution, the king promoted him to Vice Admiral on 1 November, but following the proclamation of the republic, he retired to his estate in Kenderes. Commander-in-Chief of the National Army During the Hungarian Soviet Republic, Horthy joined the counter-revolutionary movement centred in Szeged, which was under French occupation at the time. He was first appointed Minister of War in Count Gyula Károlyi's counter-revolutionary government in Szeged. Later, during the premiership of Dezső P. Ábrahám, although he was no longer part of the cabinet, he was appointed Commander-in-Chief of the National Army. The formation of the National Army had already begun under Deputy Secretary of Defence Gyula Gömbös, who organised anti-communist officer detachments even before Horthy's appointment. At that point, the Entente had also authorised the creation of a small Hungarian armed force. The Soviet Republic was overthrown not by internal Hungarian forces, but by the Romanian army, which crossed the demarcation line set out in the Vix Note of March 1919—nominally to suppress communism—and occupied Budapest in early August 1919. At the same time, the National Army set up its headquarters in Siófok, while Horthy held key negotiations in Budapest with the Romanian commander-in-chief and the Entente Military Mission. According to Romanian sources, the National Army even received weapons from the Romanians with the backing of the Entente. On 22 August 1919, Horthy ordered a general mobilisation. Even Colonel Antal Lehár, who had originally organised an independent officer detachment in Szombathely, ultimately recognised Horthy’s command, acknowledging that as a Vice Admiral, he outranked him. Horthy did not recognise the Budapest-based government of István Friedrich, which in practice held no real power. Instead, he established his own military administration in Transdanubia (Western Hungary), where his district commanders exercised full authority. It was during this period that the so-called White Terror began, associated with figures such as Pál Prónay, Gyula Ostenburg-Moravek, and Iván Héjjas. This was widely viewed as a response to the earlier Red Terror carried out under the communist regime. Miklós Horthy Proved to Be a Skilled Politician The radical paramilitary officers believed that the time of military dictatorship would soon arrive, and that the Commander-in-Chief was only making concessions due to temporary circumstances. Archduke Joseph of Habsburg, who himself aspired to become Regent, was convinced that Horthy had no intention of replacing King Charles IV. Horthy also earned the trust of the four-member Allied Military Mission sent to Budapest by the Paris Peace Conference. On 18 August 1919, Horthy informed the mission that, if given authorisation, he could organise an effective armed force within four days. The generals of the mission were under pressure to ensure that a reliable military force would be in place to maintain order following the withdrawal of the Romanian army. Although the preparedness and training of the National Army were considered inadequate, by November 1919—after rejecting other options—the Allied generals accepted the plan for the National Army to assume control of Budapest. By mid-October 1919, the strength of the National Army, including other law enforcement bodies such as the gendarmerie, exceeded 30,000 men. At that time, the British diplomat Sir George Russell Clerk arrived in Budapest. He was tasked by the Supreme Council with two objectives: first, to oversee the withdrawal of the occupying Romanian forces; second, to facilitate the formation of a coalition government that the victorious powers could recognise and that would be willing to sign the peace treaty. News of the National Army’s planned entry into Budapest triggered a wave of anxiety, particularly among the Jewish population. The Jewish Community of Pest (Pesti Izraelita Hitközség) sent a delegation to the army headquarters in Siófok, where they were received cordially. Horthy personally assured them that he would not permit a pogrom in Budapest. It was not only the Jewish population who feared reprisals, but also opposition politicians, including members of the liberal and Social Democratic parties. Clerk requested that Horthy provide formal guarantees that his troops would maintain order and refrain from any provocation. On 5 November 1919, Horthy signed a declaration to this effect. Despite isolated acts of violence, the Entente powers were generally satisfied with the conditions in Budapest following the transition of power. photo: Horthy's entry into Budapest (1919) On 16 November 1919, following the withdrawal of the Romanian army from the pillaged city of Budapest, Miklós Horthy entered the capital at the head of the so-called "plumed hat" army, named after their distinctive uniform featuring crane feathers. He established his headquarters at the Gellért Hotel, while the paramilitary detachments set up various independent command centres throughout the city. By March 1920, the Romanian forces had completed their withdrawal from all territories remaining to Hungary after the Treaty of Trianon.On 1 March 1920, following preliminary negotiations, the National Assembly elected Miklós Horthy as Regent of Hungary (Act II of 1920). The National Assembly was united on the issue of state form: all parties rejected the idea of a republic. Although there was unanimous support for the monarchy, there was deep division between the legitimists—who supported the return of Charles IV—and the so-called free royalists, who were opposed to the Habsburg dynasty. The legitimists would have preferred the appointment of a Habsburg archduke as provisional head of state, while most of the free royalists demanded a complete break with the Habsburg House. The Allied powers and Hungary’s neighbouring countries viewed any potential return of King Charles IV as a casus belli and firmly opposed the election of any Habsburg, even in a provisional capacity. This stance further strengthened the position of Miklós Horthy, who had the support of the Entente. Horthy had no desire to become king. In principle, he acknowledged the legitimacy of Charles IV’s claim to the throne, and ultimately managed to secure the support of part of the legitimist faction for his appointment as Regent. The National Assembly convened in February 1920 and decided to grant the future Regent powers roughly equivalent to those of a moderately strong republican president. Horthy found this insufficient, and during his nomination, he insisted that his powers be expanded at a later date. The election took place on 1 March 1920. A Kingdom Without a King: At the beginning of Miklós Horthy’s regency, King Charles IV twice attempted to return to Hungary. The first attempt began on 26 March 1921, when the exiled monarch, residing in Switzerland, arrived in the city of Szombathely with the support of a few aristocratic allies. There, he initiated talks with Prime Minister Pál Teleki.However, due to the uncertain stance of the French, the hostility of neighbouring states, and significant domestic opposition, Charles was eventually persuaded to abandon the restoration attempt and was sent back to Switzerland.(Prime Minister Teleki subsequently resigned.) Charles IV tries again to reclaim the throne: By 21 October 1921, the former king had managed to rally a broader base of support.On his way to Budapest, several military units and leaders of the counter-revolution—including Gyula Ostenburg-Moravek, Baron Antal Lehár, and Count Antal Sigray—swore allegiance to him, as did representatives of the Hungarian aristocracy led by Prince László Batthyány-Strattmann. Charles appointed his own government, with István Rakovszky of Nagyrákó as Prime Minister. Miklós Horthy decided to take seriously the threats of immediate military intervention made by Czechoslovak Foreign Minister Edvard Beneš—and rightly so, as neighbouring states were merely waiting for a pretext to launch another attack. On 23 October 1921, the former king reached the town of Budaörs, accompanied by forces led by Ostenburg and Lehár, where the so-called Battle of Budaörs began. Upon seeing the student battalions mobilised against him and the first casualties of the conflict, Charles called off the armed confrontation.The following day, reinforcements loyal to the government arrived in Budapest and were immediately dispatched to Budaörs, where they surrounded the royalist forces. Charles’s second attempt ended in failure: on 25 October 1921, he was interned in Tihany, and on 31 October, he and his family were transported aboard the British monitor HMS Glowworm to the Portuguese island of Madeira. On 6 November 1921, for the fourth time in Hungarian history (after 1620, 1707, and 1849), the National Assembly formally dethroned the House of Habsburg by passing Act XLVII of 1921. The Regency of Miklós Horthy Was Now Firmly Established By the time of this writing, the remarkable recovery experienced during Hungary’s 17 years of peace was already evident, even in a country left dismembered by the post-war treaties. Miklós Horthy was well aware of the country’s limitations and pursued peaceful revision of the borders. At the same time, Hungary—now reduced to a third of its former size—was geographically wedged between the two most aggressive great powers of the era. Hitler annexed territory after territory while the Western powers remained silent. The annexation of Austria already foreshadowed what was to come. Had Miklós Horthy taken a firm stand against Hitler at that time, it is likely that the German army would have occupied Hungary immediately.This is something even those who blame the Regent for Hungary’s wartime losses should reflect upon. Had the German army marched in then, the deportation of the Jews would have begun at once, and far more Hungarian soldiers would have been sent to the front. The Hungarian leadership had no real choice.Horthy’s wartime role is best illustrated by the fact that he was not convicted at the Nuremberg Trials. He spent the final years of his life in exile in Portugal. Author : vitéz Count János Molnár-Gazsó Captain General of the Order of Vitéz
- Why Were the Medieval Stone Castles of the Carpathian Basin Hungarian?
What exactly does it mean that the castles are 'Hungarian'? In the Middle Ages, the landscapes of the Carpathian Basin were densely dotted with castles, mostly built of stone to withstand both the passage of time and enemy attacks. These castles served not only as defensive structures but also as centres of power, economy, and administration. Most were built on the initiative of Hungarian kings or nobles, and operated under the legal framework of the Kingdom of Hungary. But what does it really mean to say that these castles were “Hungarian”? Boldogkő vára Royal Licence and Ownership Rights In the Middle Ages, one could only build a stone castle with royal permission. This meant that castle construction was not a privilege granted to just anyone—only the king or high-ranking nobles authorised by him could undertake such work. Even if foreign-born craftsmen or soldiers were involved in the life of a castle, its owner was Hungarian, and it was operated according to Hungarian law. Building Is Not Enough – Maintenance Is Crucial Constructing a castle often took between 5 and 20 years, but the real challenge was maintaining it over time. Extracting and transporting the massive quantities of stone required could only be done with ox carts or rafts, demanding a great deal of time and manpower. Workers, masons, carpenters, and blacksmiths had to be provided with food, lodging, and tools. Regeci vár The Castle as a Self-Sustaining System Castles were typically supported by several villages, estates, and workshops. These supplied food, firewood, weapons, horses, and other provisions. Often, castles had their own kitchens, bakeries, stables, and storerooms. A permanent garrison was important not only for defence but also for maintaining order. Hungarian Linguistic and Cultural Presence Although official documents were written in Latin, the names of castles, their inhabitants, and surrounding estates were of Hungarian origin. Many castles also had chapels dedicated to Hungarian saints, and noble families displayed their Hungarian identity through their coats of arms and seals. The Number of Castles in the Carpathian Basin Historians estimate that between the 10th and 20th centuries, more than 600 stone castles and significant fortifications were built in the Carpathian Basin. These included royal castles, noble residences, border fortresses, and smaller strongholds. On the territory of present-day Hungary, around 130–150 of these castles still remain in some form—whether as ruins, fragments, or entire structures—many of which are protected heritage sites. A few examples of Hungarian castles, without aiming for completeness: Szepes (Spiš), Munkács (Mukachevo), Bajmóc (Bojnice), Hunyad (Hunedoara), Diósgyőr, Visegrád, Eger, Füzér, Csesznek, Trencsén (Trenčín), Hollókő, etc. Siklósi vár In Summary: Medieval stone castles in the Carpathian Basin belonged to the system of the Kingdom of Hungary on every level—legally, administratively, economically, and culturally. It wasn’t just that their builders or servants were Hungarian; their entire operation was shaped and sustained by the framework of the Hungarian state. That is why we can rightfully say: ... these were Hungarian castles! Written by: Tibor Huszárszki






